Tuesday, February 9, 2016

Why do we need informality?






Framing informality


In my short essay I would like to discuss possible ways of treatment with informality itself.  I'd like to define the essence of relationships between formal and informal. All my suppositions are based on a simple contradistinction that informality is absence of formality and vice versa. There is no third option, either informal or formal, irregular or regular, natural or artificial, free or bound, chaos and order, yin and yang. These two notions completely fulfill our material world and our behavior, easy to say, everything that surrounds us.

At first glance it seems that informal is a subsequence of formal. The prefix "in" hints us a secondary character of notion, that "formal" allegedly was firstborn. It is true only in terms of the morphology of the language. But in fact in space and in every field of activity informality prevails in the beginning. And only then informal permanent space starts to be divided, separated and regulated by humans. The act of any regulation of original informal space is the a process of creation of something formal. And in my opinion the only being that can produce formality are humans. Without humans there is no discussion of that matter. So, what is definition of formality then? Continuing the theme one could say that formality is systematization of informality done by humans. It is an attempt of regulation. We divide physical space by walls, slabs, other volumes to create a form. We create restrictions known as laws and rules to regulate the human behavior. So, let's say this man-made frontiers that interrupts continuous world is the essence of formality. Everywhere people come formal realty arises.

Another aspect is that this two notions don't substitute each other. Formality done by humans isn't alternative to informality. It only partitions space and establishes frames where the informal processes still working within but with less freedom. It makes things more understandable and controllable for people. Of course, informality has it's own natural rules that have really complex structure with thousands of parameters. People historically haven't had intellectual and computational resources to cover it. Therefore, partitioning of one high grade complex informal process is appropriate demand to deduct it in several simple actions which everybody can deal with. It's important to find balance between amount of ruling boundaries and enough flexibility within the domain. Either one may intensify density of formality and control every little thing or do less of it to preserve more freedom of spontaneous life and evolving potential to some extend. The more formal the less adaptable but clear. The less formal the more flexible but also corrupt. Every option has his pros and contras.

Formal world is imperfect because of imperfect nature of humans. Rules and restrictions sometimes are strong enough and sometimes week and can't cover the entire flow of informality. Quite frequently one can find loopholes in the boundaries allowing the informality to avoid it. Formality is like a dam surrounding liquid substance that pushes every minute on it. A lot of scenarios can occur that crashes the system. Dam could break under the pressure, reservoir may overflow or dry out at all. So it's a continuous fight between formal and informal.

I would like to illustrate this (in)formal relationships by some examples. They are all basically about architecture and cities.

First one is about Michel Foucault, good known French philosopher who addresses the subject of framing informality in his writings. Foucault sees architecture as “a diagram of a mechanism of power reduced to its ideal form.[1]” In other words, Foucault reads this architecture through a two-dimensional form of representation, which expresses the various informal forces created by its lines. Gilles Deleuze was particularly attached to this excerpt of Discipline and Punish as, according to him, that is the first and only time that Foucault uses the notion of diagram that is fundamental to understand the mechanisms of power he meticulously describes. In his book dedicated to the work of Foucault[2], he attributes to him the function of cartographer. Cartography is precisely the activity that considers a given situation within reality and elaborates a diagrammatic representation of it:

The diagram is no longer an auditory or visual archive but a map, a cartography that is coextensive with the whole social field. It is an abstract machine. It is defined by its informal functions and matter and in terms of form makes no distinction between content and expression, a discursive formation and a non-discursive formation. It is a machine that is almost blind and mute, even though it makes others see and speak.[2]

Foucault is interested in a building rather as a combination of lines of visibility that forms relations of power between the individuals affected by those lines which act as boundaries I described before.
Another example by Foucault was described in the same book "Discipline and punish"[1] that illustrates appearing of formality in the cities. He is telling about the measures to be taken against the plague in the seventeenth century: partitioning of space and closing off houses, constant inspection and registration. Processes of quarantine and purification operate. The plague is met by order. Lepers were also separated from society, but the aim behind this was to create a pure community. The plague stands as an image against which the idea of discipline was created. The existence of a whole set of techniques and institutions for measuring and supervising abnormal beings brings into play the disciplinary mechanisms created by the fear of the plague. All modern mechanisms for controlling abnormal individuals as well as modern urban planning approaches derive from these.
Let's move gradually nowadays. There are a lot of vivid and good examples that are representing the idea of cooperation between formal and informal. As the most eloquent example I would like to take works of Chilean architect - Alejandro Aravena. Especially regarding last news of his win of the Pritzker prize I have just no right not to mention him in this topic.

Indeed, Aravena felt the approach than nobody used before intentionally. Let's take in consideration his social housing projects such as Quinta Monroy in Chile, Elemental Monterrey and Villa Verde Housing in Mexico. Alejandro found a good balance between conventional planning and informal settlements. Experience seems quite successful, the idea works well. It turned out this two totally opposite worlds can coexist and merge together. Let's give a word to the author:

When you create an open system, it customizes itself, it corrects itself, it's more adapted to the reality – not just to the family but also for cultural diversity. So it is not only a response to scarcity of means. Even if we had a lot of money it would have been an appropriate solution.
...
Of course this is not chaos, just do whatever. There are very specific design things – the size of the void for example, or that we built with walls and not just with frames. It's a very delicate balance between being restricted but enabling self-operation without going into a chaotic environment. It's a very precise design operation what you build, and also what you don't build[3].

Aravena has no fear not to control the final aesthetics. He is more interested in the position of the void than in what is built by him, observing the work of many future co-authors. I see something fresh in it. We have enough knowledge about how to profit prom informal processes. Up to date architect and not only architect should be beyond the static formal solutions. He should be the one who can and must use the power of informality to make all the aspects of our life more convenient and efficient.

Bibliography:
[1] Foucault Michel, Discipline and punish: the birth of the prison, trans: Alan Sherida, New York : Vintage Books, 1995.
[2] Deleuze Gilles, Foucault, trans: Sean Hand, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1988.
Web links:
Interview with Alejandro Aravena
published at www.dezeen.com 13. January 2016.

Monday, February 8, 2016

HOW TO REFORMALIZE AN INFORMAL CITY?

To begin with this question, how to Reformalize an informal city – Let address some other questions in brief before jumping into this question i.e.

·         What is formal and informal city or architecture?
·         Are they (formal and informal) good or bad?
·         Why is it necessary or not necessary to Reformalize an informal city?
·         What is the reason of formal cities becoming informal?
·         What distinguish formality and informality?


The unplanned and many times more “organic” city is one of the more visible facets of informality in urban areas. Are we talking about slums, suburban areas of illegal genesis, or long term in situ urbanization processes, among other situations, these are urban settlements marked by informality, which bring complex challenges to planning practices. This organic city may be unplanned at its origins, but it works and it has its complex social and economic dynamics. And in a certain extent this is a utopian city, which expresses the multiplicity and diversity of individual utopias of each family who brought their dreams to life in those houses. And this requires an essential preoccupation when dealing with these areas and planning their “formalization”: we are intervening for people, and then we have to intervene with the people. Effective participation and real involvement of population in these processes is thus fundamental. The right to the city makes the city of the possible.

Informality was essential in the development and structuring of many urban areas, despite the extension of planning practices and of modernist approaches to cities’ development. In effect, throughout the world, informality coexisted with urban expansion and it was an essential piece in urban growth mechanisms.  In contemporary post-modernist cities it still plays a key role in mechanisms of economic and social vitality and brings new challenges to the development of cities. What sense does it make today to plan the informality of cities? What should we do with the informal settlements that are part of our contemporary cities? Should we incorporate them in a city’s mainstream narrative, or should we enhance their particularities? And, how can we deal with the informal dynamics that are essential to structure economic and social (re-)vitalization of many areas? Should we formalize and institutionalize them? Or on the contrary should we “informalize” the planning of urban spaces?       

United Nations has estimated that in 2050 in every 4 person 1 person on planet will live in informal way in developed cities. And currently in many develop cities 60% develop their own facilities and other services in informal structure and living illegally but at the same time being tolerated and yet being ignored. In private sector side, people live where they work which is very efficient although a lot live in informal area and work nearby better off areas. Therefore, besides every prosperous area you will see an informal area.

The formal or informal models can be explained as, informal models do not respect rigorous formalism. They are often free images, media for ideas, or spontaneous means if communication. There are various degrees of informality. An interesting comparison between Brasilia and Caracas can be made, although these two cities appear to be in complete contrast took into account the existing culture of the characteristics of the locale, whilst Brasilia was founded on the basis that its location had no culture as the site was empty. However both cities have experienced similar patterns of urban and architectural resistance.

The incremental and uncontrolled urban development during the past decades have made the issue of widespread informality a dominating phenomenon in the territory according to each socio-spatial context. A complex informality that is attributed to many causes and covering physical, socioeconomic, behavioral and legal aspects that is beyond the presence of formal/informal dichotomy in the urban space, is more a new complex and continuum system in place. Because of this situation, governmental institutions suffer from serious urban planning deficits. Moreover, complexities in political decisions and standardized policies continue to elude the majority of informal settlements that are often viewed as a marginalized and stigmatized areas in the urban space. However, many attempts of "formalizing informality" have been applied by policy makers and professionals which vary across and within countries. Also, researchers discuss possible actions to deal with informal settlements, such Hernando De Soto (2000) focused on principles of capitalism perspective, stimulating economic activity through productive workforce of individuals.

It is interesting to see if formalization attempts contribute to improve or worse the living conditions of individuals in particular cities or can cause the establishment of additional informal settlements. Under this perspective, this study aims to highlight the process of formalization of informal settlements through the analysis of different formalization approaches in many exploratory case studies located in Europe (Mediterranean countries), Africa and Latin America regions to deduce the impact of governmental actions in informal areas characterized by different informal typologies and degrees of consolidation. Therefore, the intention is to focus on the performance on those institutions (the state, municipalities, local authorities) responsible for the land use regulations and urban planning in the treatment of the hypertrophic growth of the phenomenon of informality. This attempt of "formalizing informality" lies a series of challenges in the urban planning domain. It is particular significant because still remains as an immediate policy option and a persistent tendency of a clear post-intervention. The intention is to define what are the successes and weaknesses from this attempt and the policies 249 Journal of Studies in Social Sciences have been adopted or implemented in dealing with the informal practices. This study aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of the phenomenon of informality at the turn of the third millennium, and to look in depth the influence of the institutions in the development and consolidation of the informal settlements and to seek what are the lessons and implications of the process of formalization. In this respect, we want to highlight and question the importance of formalization of informal areas as a provocative theme for the urban planning domain, which can translate into virtual practices and experiences of public, and governmental actions, especially if formalization efforts still remain a work in progress.

Within this context, the first part of makes a theoretical framework referring to informality as a broader concept that involves some anthropological, social, cultural and economic aspects; which is strictly related to land use. We also highlight some informal typologies in relation with the land use, new emerging trends, the causes of informality, formalization concept and some standard government solutions. In the case of European regions, especially cities of Milan, Puglia, Macedonia, etc. show informal practices characterized by a type of "hybrid" informality. These reviews show that formalization policies combines practices of eviction, demolition and amnesty through payment policies. In African regions, especially the cities of Johannesburg and Cairo which are characterized by practices of "semi-informal" typology. These reviews show that formalization approaches are more focused on upgrading services, facilities and infrastructure, and urban redevelopment. Finally case studies in Latin American regions, cities such Rio de Janeiro, Bogota and Lima show practices of informal "squatting" typology. Formalization approaches have a broader attempt and integrated dynamic that combines legal titling with other formalization policies, except in the case of Lima city in Peru, as the most experimented case that involves the narrow legalization of land tenure through titling. The last part is dedicated to looking at the future, having new perspectives and responses in the formalization domain.

It is important to notice that the idea of informality has drawn critical attention from many disciplines. There have also attempts to define the concept in new ways related to contemporary global, regional, and local political and cultural transformations of the last two decades. When thinking about informality, the first image that comes is one of "slums" occupied by squatters. Several forms of informality do not, however, involve land invasion. While Roy and AlSayyad (2004) among others link informality to processes of globalization and economic liberalization. Appadurai (2000) and other authors studied developing countries that offer deep insights on informal housing as an aspect of a different mode of urbanization.

Why informality emerges?

The causes of the phenomenon of informality that is directly connected with urban planning disciplines and issues such as cultural, economic and environmental speculations:
i) A globalized and liberal economy makes individuals freer, but according to empirical experiences in Latin America (Gilbert, 1998) does not necessarily improve the conditions of low-income families. Economic instability of liberalization produces moments of high levels of unemployment and what worsens their situation is when sometimes the informal sector is unable to cover them, which contributes to increase the number of middle and low-income families and informal practices in the developing countries.

ii) Ambiguous and uncertain modes of governance affected the continuity of the policies and increased the permissiveness of authorities to allow illegal practices that avoid laws and regulations. The lack of rigidity produced ambiguous scenarios related to the rapid growth of informal areas. This phenomenon is specially emerged in periods of political election times or economic changes because of the level of "uncertainty" in the society. In addition, excessive bureaucracy and inefficiency in the governmental administration reduced the expectations to be confident due to formal channels. Consequently, informality is the rapid respond to full-fill their expectations and reduced uncertain conditions (Roy and AlSayyad, 2004).

iii) Dysfunctional governmental institutions lack of structural ability of public administration, especially at the local level, to provide and guarantee sufficient access to affordable and accessible infrastructural service to housing units or lands in many areas of the territory located especially in hazardous areas (Fernandez, 2011). In addition, shortage of affordable housing is affected by the way governmental institutions have managed the supply side of housing. Public institutions in many countries had not made efforts to promote innovative financing alternatives, such as housing microloan programs and noncommercial bank programs. However other countries have started taking this practices in order to regulate land markets that is linked directly with the causes of informal settlements (Duncan, 2005). Also, governmental weakness related to political clientelism; the longstanding political manipulation in informal communities that have been encouraged more informal development. Such questionable titles in public land have been often promised by politicians to low-income families.


Shift to Formalization

Formalization is the process by which acts, situations, persons, and entities that are not recognized by law or formal channels, obtain such recognition. This may happen through individuals taking needed steps to achieve the formal state recognition (titling, upgrading, urban redevelopment, etc), or by the state moving to confer such recognition on its own initiative. Informal areas are a reality that many developed and developing countries have to deal with, because it involves a big portion of the urban population worldwide, especially in developing countries. Most of the informal settlements have been avoided by the government for a long time. In the last 20 years, residents of many consolidated informal areas have been compensated the insufficiency of basic (public) services and the lack of public infrastructure. A wide range of humanitarian, ethical, religious, sociopolitical, economic, and environmental arguments can justify formalization. Most of the arguments are based on the socio-political and legalistic domain. Experiences of formalization in Colombia, Peru and Brazil, have already become a fundamental element of the constitutional social right to adequate housing. For example, the 1988 Brazilian Federal Constitution, recognized that those who had lived in informal areas for at least five years had rights to the regularization of the informal occupation. However, few policy makers, and specially the state fully understand the nature and dynamics of informal development processes, often reinforce urban informality and socio spatial segregation, and deterioration of the territory (Fernandes, 2011).

Legal recognition

The most important policy response to informal settlements has been to recognize or legalize informal land development, specially related to the practice of squatting; through juridical-administrative tools (indemnity, regularization procedures for titling) or through public policy (amnesty). This response is the clearest example of state's necessity to know and recognize what really happens or what should be under their territory.

Urban redevelopment

It is common for public authorities and especially for the government to use forms of repression (mostly applied through monetary ways than compulsory sanctions) as a policy response to informal practice. In relation with compulsory sanctions through demolitions (redevelopment or relocations), the government tries to recover informal areas (due to the lack of legal requirements) or intended to discourage and limit the development of unauthorized construction. In the case of on-site redevelopment through gradual demolition and in-situ construction of alternative housing, the government policy's response try to guarantee the security of consolidated informal areas on staying in the same location of the city in order to access to better living conditions (Fernandez, 2011). This interventions mostly target deteriorated informal areas were housing conditions are unsafe and closed to vulnerable urban areas. In many developed and developing countries this mode is adopted to hazardous squatting informal settlements, under the justification of environmental and public health and the need for public spaces (Abdel Halim, 2010).



A closer view to some relevant case studies

The selection of exploratory case studies has been based on well and experimented examples of formalization with respect to legal recognition, urban upgrading, redevelopment and planning reviewing and because they were sociologically, morphologically and typologically fit with the topics of the study, especially because they show different typologies of informality. In addition, the availability of information on desktop research and the institutional support from many hierarchical actors involved in the formalization domain. From an operative point of view, it is contrasted between different geographic areas. It is fundamental to indicate that the most important note of this research involves the examination of the paradigms for formalization programs that have been used with mixed results to improve conditions of informal settlements in three different exploratory areas. First, located in the European area (Mediterranean regions mostly), concern to practices of hybrid informality, such as informal "second homes", "shadow occupations in public buildings", "illegal constructions", etc. Formalization efforts have been made through demolitions and amnesty practices. Second, located in African area, cases of South Africa and Egypt with semi-informality typology, such as "informal subdivision on agricultural land". The operations used by the authorities are mainly related to urban upgrading in-situ. Finally, located in Latin America area, exemplified by Peru, Brazil and Colombia, that formalization efforts involve legal titling with urban upgrading in-situ, socio economic and socio cultural programs at large scale in informal areas.

Looking at the future

Efforts to formalize informal areas are still in the agenda of policy makers and substantially a core of urban planning measures in many large cities of the world. For this reason, after considering the notion of informality and it is process of transformation to formality channels, combined with exploration, it is important to indicate some detailed observations on the similarities and differences in formalization attempts. These observations can make us formulating new codes and considerations to improve the efforts in tackling the phenomenon of informality.

Urban planning solutions for informal cities

While research indicates there is a growing acceptance of informal cities in the region, their economic and social challenges have largely been underestimated. In economic terms, informal settlements mobilize significant public and private investments, which remain outside of the formal economy. In addition, they are associated with significant public-sector costs, explicit and implicit. These settlements often take over public or private land, shifting the cost burden for compensation and services to local governments. The land, often developed in a sporadic way with single-family housing, is underused due to its sprawling pattern. Informal settlements also impact the local government’s ability to manage land use, as the owners illegally occupy parks, unsafe brownfield sites, or land that may have other more productive uses. At the same time, informal housing might be the residents’ single largest asset, composed of their sweat equity and remittances from family members. The investment is under threat of being lost and becoming “dead capital,” particularly due to environmental hazards (e.g., floods, landslides, earthquakes) or demolition. Informal settlements also pose a high political and economic risk for governments, especially in cases of evictions and resettlement of socially vulnerable residents. Often, the inability to absorb these costs perpetuates tolerance of the informal cities. The search for policy solutions ranges from legalization and inclusion in formal urban plans to regularization and provision of essential social services (schools, medical clinics) and technical infrastructure (safe roads, public transit, water, sewer), as well as resettlement/relocation programs. While these solutions illustrate different aspects of the urban planning continuum discussed earlier, they also require significant political will and financial commitment from local governments.

Little significance in the economic aspects: formalization programs improve land-market efficiency and labor market participation, but generally fail to find an impact on access to credit, especially for titling policies. However, this does not mean that there are few economic benefits; inhabitants indicate that it has a great use but in a different way than the theory assumes. It has helped in the fast consolidation of their homes and therefore increase the value of the properties in a significant way (20% to 30%). On the other hand, economic resources from formalization operations have not been properly used in a sustainable and financial support from international agencies have been suspiciously (corruption) spent; especially because there has not been a rigorous evaluation or control.

I think that the governments really need to see the need to use their skill to try to make improvements to the country. I believe there is a real demonization, that informal areas, most likely people say all that they are criminal that live in informal areas of the cities. There is a kind of fear of poor people which is extremely unfortunate, but I would lie to see the government to accept that it is going to be the important part of the cities for the foreseeable future and not ignore them or marginalize them and see them as vibrant, very active and hopeful and normalizing the relationship between the informal areas and the rest of the cities or formal areas.
















BIBLIOGRAPHY
Abdelhalim, K. (2010), Upgrading of informal areas. Guide for Action. Participatory Development Program in Urban Areas, Egyptian-German development project.
AlSayyad, N. and Roy, A. (eds.) (2004), Urban Informality. Transnational Perspective from the Middle East, Latin America, and South Asia, Oxford: Lexington Books.
Appadurai, A. (2000), Spectral Housing and Urban Cleansing: Notes on Millennial Mumbai, Public Culture.
Bayat, A. (2003), Globalization and Politics of the Informal’s in the Global South. Oxford: Lexington Books.
Durand-Lasserve, A. (2007), The formalization of urban land tenure in developing countries. Global Urban Development Magazine 2.
New Urban Agenda (UN 2016) priorities (urban forum)
Ted ( City 2.0 )
USAID (2010), Colombia Country Profile, Property Rights and Resource Governance. United States Agency for International Development eds.
UN-HABITAT (2003a). The challenge of slums: Global report on human settlements. Nairobi: United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-HABITAT).
UN-Habitat (2007).Situation Analysis of Informal Settlements in Addis Ababa.Nairobi: United Nations Human Settlements Programme.
UN-Habitat (I am a city changer)

INTERNET WEB SITES SOURCES
Urban LandMark Organization (http://www.urbanlandmark.org.za)
Formalizing informal Settlements (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iG_QlUmIkNU)

Planning the informal city today (http://homeland.pt/planning-the-informal-city-today)

Friday, February 5, 2016

How the symbiosis between formal and informal in urban context play out in Indonesia?



Introduction

Informal and formal forms in urban situation such two sides of a coin, contradictory but interconnected. The formal city is the static built modernist understanding of the city, stemming from the Chicago School of Urban Sociology with a clear notion for the urban center. In other words the permanent structures /architecture of the city. And informal city can be defined as the temporal "articulation and occupation of space." The city is an urban elastic condition, not a grand vision but a "grand adjustment.

The informal-formal relation is presented as an organisational form. Formal is generally assumed to be rule-based, structured, explicit, predictable, and regular, while informal is generally assumed to be defined by the absence of these forms. Informality is often thought as spontaneous, tacit, and affective. The central organisational form is that of unorganised, unregulated labour, although in practice such labour is often highly organised and disciplined. (Introduction The Informal-formal Divide in Context Colin McFarlane and Michael Waibel).

In some cases, the entwining of the informal and the formal is understood and seen as a problem, the inter-reliant relationships between formal and informal may be “mutually enhancing at best and mutually corrupting at worst”. Uwe Altrock in his chapter within this volume highlights the importance of informality which is ‘complementary’ to formal arrangements (Young 1999).

Both of these forms has the infirmity and eminence. In the "A New Paradigm for Urban Development" by AL Mabogunje he states that the line between the informal and formal sectors and contains the greatest potentials for new urbanisms. The presence of both form can be mutually benefit each other or vice versa. Or on one side receive benefit and the other side losses, or no loss at all (no impact) and there many other types of interaction in between. Harmony and conflict between formal and formal forms are interesting to study and review. In this essay will be explored how the symbiosis occurs between the informal and formal forms through relationships which are commonly used in biological terms. The study will be categorized into three forms of symbiosis namely mutualism, paratism and comensalism. To understand how the formal and informal relationships in the urban context, when and where the convergence occurs then several cases that occurred in Indonesia will be taken as study samples.

As developing country, Indonesia deals with phenomenon of informal settlement which can be found in all cities in Indonesia. The term of informal settlement in Indonesia commonly refers to an unplanned area which emerges spontaneously and organically, on inappropriate or marginal land, such as river bank, sides of railway, and soon. Indonesia is a showcase of any kind of informality we can think of: slums, street vendors and varied informal economic activities everyway, rich zones very beautiful but built according the same principles of a slum, the new vertical slums inside occupied buildings, non-regulated buildings in formal areas, or new slums which is protected and encouraged by the governments. Interesting to study how the presence of these two forms, formal and informal interact each other on the cities in Indonesia and what kind of phenomena occurs as results from this process.


Mutualism Symbiosis

In this context, symbiosis mutualism can occurs when both forms, formal and informal get benefit each other from the interaction. Here are two examples of relationship between informal and formal sectors and how they benefit each other.

In general, for some peoples mainly the policy maker, slum area where is becoming the settlement for most of informal sector executant is considered as problems particularly from its appearance. Rundown houses always become scapegoat for dingy cityface and failure of development, something that is prohibited for most leaders. Whereas, if we look deeply, actually this rundown houses are giving life answer to the people who living in. Without donation from government, these people can survive, built their own dwellings and developed their livelihood. They don’t need bank credit or foreign exchange. They are able to exploit the limited resources in order to survive in the difficulty of living in modern city. The people who live in informal dwelling commonly most of them are able to recycle materials that unused into something useful for themselves. Independently, they are able to meet their housing needs. Economically, this settlement also supply cheap goods and labor with low wages to support economic movement. Slum settlement obviously has potential that can be developed and giving good contribution to housing problem and urban economy.

Another example, government of Indonesia currently is implementing a program to overcome poverty in community. This program is namely PNPM perkotaan, national program of community empowerment. The program focus on how to empower the community in certain area which is needed development and improvement, including infrastructure sector. The interesting thing is how the formal program from government are done in informal way as a method of approach. Here, in this perspective we can see that to approach the level of a particular environtment, the government who is always connoted as formal have to play the informal sector in order to be able to negotiate and overcome the problem. For instance, the infrastructure enhancement such as road, building, and sanitation in an informal settlement, the government with limited budget employes the local workers who don’t have labor certification and without technical work standard. One one side the government has been assisted to implement the formal program through informal way, on the other hand, it is upgrading the empowerment both working skill,  income and the infrastructure needs that have been built right on target because it was initiated and built by local community.


Parasitism Symbiosis

This kind of relationship happen when the activities of one form both formal or informal interfere and cause losses to other form.

Informal cause damage to formal .

There are a lot of goods provider in informal sector which is done by opening the stall or vendor or selling with the cart along the road, this situation creates chaos on the city spaces. It also causes traffic jam. Again, this situation causes great improvidence, in term of energy and time. This chaos not only cause traffic but also horrible outlook and environtmental damage from disposal.

In Indonesia we can easily find views where the vendors filled up road space and sidewalk for pedestrian, it is happening in urban also in the rural situation though. This has become a problem for Indonesian government which has never ending. The street vendors are part of informal sector activities also many times interfere the pedestrians, the vendors blocked the path that should be used by them. More than that, the presence of informal sector bring impact to some problems such city health isues, environtment and social – political issues.

According to Soemadi (1993), the vendor phenomenon related to frontierisme phenomenon, a perspective about supposition that there are available "empty space" in front of than can be occupied and mastered. Sidewalks have been become those "empty space". Various interest which happened on the sidewalk cause contested space. These interaction bring out negotiations and strategies for certain people to state their interest on those side walks. This kind interaction and negotiation then built the image and identity of the sidewalk.

The application of the concept of urban informality in understanding the phenomenon of street vendors will change our perspective on the existence of street vendors in urban areas. The street vendors are not the groups failed to enter the economic system in urban areas. They are one of the modes in the urban transformation that cannot be separated from the urban economy. They are one component of the urban economy that will benefit urban development.

The phenomenon of street vendors in Indonesian cities should be interpreted in the context of urban transformation. The application of the concept of urban informality in the practice of urban planning will allocate more urban spaces for the street vendors and integrate it with the formal sectors. The practice of urban planning in Indonesia also should not replicate the Chicago and Los Angeles schools, but modify them and take into account the unique urban phenomenon including the informal sector. The informal sectors, including street vendors, deserve more urban spaces to accommodate their activities that are parts of the urban economic system. (Do street vendor deserve urban space, Jakarta post, 2008).


Formal cause damage to informal

In its original rural version, the word kampung literally means “village” – usually the home village or birthplace of an individual. In an era of unbridled urbanisation, however, it has also come to mean a poorer neighbourhood contained within a city. Kampung is not synonymous with “slum”. Most kampungs actually contain a mix of lower and lower middle class - even some middle class families - living in mostly permanent dwellings. Squatters are relatively few. Most kampung residents actually have some sort of legal title over their land – though they are not always able to prove it to the satisfaction of Indonesia’s corrupt court systems. True to its linguistic roots, many kampungs are, in fact, the remnants of original villages – it is the city that has expanded and encroached upon the areas surrounding the kampungs, not vice versa. (Jakarta, Indonesia, Paul McCarthy).

The informal or kinetic city carries local wisdom into the contemporary world without fear of the modern, while the static city aspires to erase the local and re-codify it in a written formal order.( Re-thinking the informal city, Rahul Mehrotra).

Within the Kampung scope, the citizen autonomously organize their own social relations, cultural economy, even political, all of it is manifested in the spatial arrangement and space hierarchy from private, semiprivate, semipublic to public space.

Jakarta, capital city of Indonesia has social dan spatial structure which is dual character as a result of urban development by the intensity of formal and informal which is growing simultaneously. This condition makes the face of the city implied physical progress and metropolitan inequality at once. The existency of Kampung as an informal form in urban situation suffered of positive values shifted  because of formalization. City Kampung constituted of space articulation from global activities of Jakarta and it accommodates various interest both regional and international in physical and social forms.

City Kampung is shaped from settlement of indigenous people and immigrant, and then it grows along with area development. From the cultural aspect, city Kampung has potential of social activities, religious and historic sites. The alteration which occurred causing the displacement of space function, deterioration of social activities and its cultural community. The strength of society is temporary and does not have significant reciprocal impact for prosperity of its society. This condition remind us that City Kampung formalization have to be based on socio-cultural and community local wisdom. Space identity is the treasure of social wealth in order to strengthen the community existency in socio-cultural environtment alteration process.  


Commensalism Symbiosis

Commensalism symbiosis occurs when one of the form both formal or informal get benefit, but the other form does not get imposition or significant impact. This kind of relationship explained that there are possibilities one form are able to give advantages to another form without experienced loss.

The scarcity of the street potential as space for urban communities to interact each other eventually led the city became rigid and insipid. Such as robot, the city is technically functioned but soulless. According to sociologist Jane Jacobs, the livable cities where the values of urbanity well developed, the main social space interaction of the community precisely often taking place in city street corridor.  On these street the citizen are walking and doing activities such as buying morning newspaper and milk, observing the displayed store.

Starting from the hubbub of Las Ramblas street corridor in Barcelona, the exoticism of Malioboro street in Yogyakarta, Indonesia to the excitement of street market in San Francisco. All of it becomes reflection of city face which more humane and livable. And not even rarely the linear street spaces  often became one of the landmarks of city pride, such as the Champs Elysees in Paris, or orchard road in Singapore (Seize the lost space, Ridwan Kamil).

Nowadays, our city surrounded by soulless spaces or placelessness. An urbanist Roger Trancik who wrote finding lost space stated about the booming of redundant and negative spaces which he categorized as lost space and space junk still happen currently in our big cities.

For commensalism relationship, the situation can be explained through the interaction of formal activities at noon and informal activities in the evening in Salatiga central market, Indonesia. This district commercial market at this time is a main service of daily necessities outreach in urban and regional scale in surrounding city. 

At the beginning this location was traditional market but along with modernization process, the surrounding areas are expanded to be trade district and modern market. The space run into different function, it can be seen from different and various activities which happen in this spaces in different times. In the morning this spaces are used as morning market (formal) and when the evening comings, it becomes a place where filled by vendors to sell food. Thus this areas are having the use of function space for 24 hours in giving services to the community. Market activities that happen in the evening, mostly used for informal sector activities on public spaces such as infront of shops or on the street. The location which is used for those informal activities, at noon this area is used for trade activities in formal situation. Based on this series of process, the analysis of the relationship between formal and informal activities that happen in Salatiga market is accommodating. This accommodating form is an interaction which indicate that formal sector does not get benefit and doesn’t experienced damage from informal evening activities. And this case could be one of the solution for the lost space issues that has stated by Roger Trancik.

Another phenomenon which is commonly happen in Indonesia that reflect commensalism symbiosis is car free day activities. According to Hannah Arendt (1998), city is not only just a architectural objects, but 'space' that allows public civility.

Dago street is a landmark structure which formed bandung city. It is not just functioned as space corridor as civic design but also as civic reform which combinated alteration of social structure, economy, culture and also society political. Car Free Day viewed entirely as a physic artificial phenomena where its spatial expression is physical but the framing caused by human activities so that composit cultural are formed. Car Free Day is a place-making that are constructed into a public space based on value, activity and specific arrangements to become a unique spatial ecosystem as a public space. Car Free Day Dago as the third space contributes a multiculturism space which progressive, responsive, and democratic because its urban composite activities. The stakeholders works based on power, legitimation, and urgency which constructed production-consumption process of Car Free Day Dago as public space that transformed into the third space.

Car Free Day alters the street (formal) into open public space and appear as new social space comtemporary in shaping the culture of society and  creating new identity in communicate it self as landmark for Bandung city. The space transformed from the space of place become space of flow and space of culture in car free day, Dago street through overlapping space uses. Car Free Day is an urban issue that was adapted as a global issue, but in practice, it is depend on its local identity in which Car Free Day took place, including in the city of Bandung. It is usually held on Sunday morning where the density of transport activity is decrease, thus allowing a wide range of social activities going on this street.


Conclusion     
               
The development of urban space influenced the existence of formal and informal sector, at a certain time point often experience problems as a result of the need for space to accommodate activities. While the increase in the informal sector by Keith Hart (in Soetomo, 1997: 19-28), is said to be always grew up with formal activities and this sector is increasing, because the informal sector is regarded as a manifestation of the growth of employment situation in developing countries so that they enter the large-scale activities small town.

Actually, formal and informal areas are nowadays so interconnected people should start to believe stop caring about its limits or its differences. Now legal or illegal, formal or informal, do not depend on the conditions of the land or the configuration of the settlement but on which entity is building.
Peter Daniels (2004) highlights the ‘interconnectedness’ of the informal and formal sectors in cities as key assets in the field of urban policy development. Descriptions of ‘hybrid arrangements’ of formal and informal, or a ‘formality-informality continuum’ indicate a desire, amongst some scholars at least, to move beyond earlier categorisations, which often construct a tighter dichotomy (Roy and AlSayyad, 2004).

Altrock puts the complementary notion of informality in contrast to a ‘supplementary’ notion of informality. Here, informal institutions can replace or stand-in for formal ones in contexts where the state is unable or unwilling to implement its formal rules. In this sense, informality contributes to formal institutions by organising social interaction in the absence of the state, for example, during periods of rapidly changing socio-economic contexts, rapid urban development, and economic restructuring strategies (Schröder and Waibel, 2012).

On the other hand, people living in formal areas are as entitled as their informal neighbors to be consulted and informed. Traditionally architects consult very little, but as more and more of us have the opportunity of work in informal areas, it’s becoming easier to transfer some of the techniques we use there to other parts of the city. Maybe with similar strategies and attitudes we will end with a more integrated and inclusive city. (Formal vs Informal Does it mean anything?, Silvis Soonets, 2012)

Summarized and written by Chyntia Aryani.  Matrikel – Nr. (4060991)