Thursday, February 18, 2016
Saturday, February 13, 2016
Tuesday, February 9, 2016
Framing informality
In my short essay I would like to discuss
possible ways of treatment with informality itself. I'd like to define the essence of relationships
between formal and informal. All my suppositions are based on a simple
contradistinction that informality is absence of formality and vice versa. There
is no third option, either informal
or formal, irregular or regular, natural or artificial, free or bound, chaos
and order, yin and yang. These
two notions completely fulfill our
material world and our behavior, easy to say, everything that surrounds us.
At first glance it seems that
informal is a subsequence of formal. The prefix "in" hints us a
secondary character of notion, that "formal" allegedly was firstborn.
It is true only in terms of the morphology
of the language.
But in fact in space and in every field of activity informality prevails in the
beginning. And only then informal permanent space starts to be divided, separated
and regulated by humans. The act of any regulation of original informal space
is the a process of creation of something formal. And in my opinion the only being
that can produce formality are humans. Without humans there is no discussion of
that matter. So, what is definition of formality then? Continuing the theme one
could say that formality is systematization of informality done by humans. It
is an attempt of regulation. We divide physical space by walls, slabs, other
volumes to create a form. We create restrictions known as laws and rules to
regulate the human behavior. So, let's say this man-made frontiers that
interrupts continuous world is the essence of formality. Everywhere people come
formal realty arises.
Another aspect is that this two notions don't substitute
each other. Formality done by humans isn't alternative to informality. It only
partitions space and establishes frames where the informal processes still
working within but with less freedom. It makes things more understandable and
controllable for people. Of course, informality has it's own natural rules that
have really complex structure with thousands of parameters. People historically
haven't had intellectual and computational resources to cover it. Therefore, partitioning
of one high grade complex informal process is appropriate demand to deduct it
in several simple actions which everybody can deal with. It's important to find
balance between amount of ruling boundaries and enough flexibility within the
domain. Either one may intensify density of formality and control every little
thing or do less of it to preserve more freedom of spontaneous life and
evolving potential to some extend. The more formal the less adaptable but clear.
The less formal the more flexible but also corrupt. Every option has his pros
and contras.
Formal world is imperfect because of imperfect nature of
humans. Rules and restrictions sometimes are strong enough and sometimes week
and can't cover the entire flow of informality. Quite frequently one can find
loopholes in the boundaries allowing the informality to avoid it. Formality is
like a dam surrounding liquid substance that pushes every minute on it. A lot
of scenarios can occur that crashes the system. Dam could break under the
pressure, reservoir may overflow or dry out at all. So it's a continuous fight
between formal and informal.
I would like to illustrate this (in)formal relationships
by some examples. They are all basically about architecture and cities.
First one is about Michel Foucault, good known French
philosopher who addresses the
subject of framing informality in his
writings. Foucault
sees architecture as “a diagram of a mechanism of power reduced to its ideal
form.[1]” In other words, Foucault reads this architecture through a
two-dimensional form of representation, which expresses the various informal forces
created by its lines. Gilles Deleuze was particularly attached to this excerpt
of Discipline and Punish as, according to him, that is the first and
only time that Foucault uses the notion of diagram that is fundamental to
understand the mechanisms of power he meticulously describes. In his book
dedicated to the work of Foucault[2], he attributes to him the function of
cartographer. Cartography is precisely the activity that considers a given
situation within reality and elaborates a diagrammatic representation of it:
The diagram is no longer an auditory or visual archive
but a map, a cartography that is coextensive with the whole social field. It is
an abstract machine. It is defined by its informal functions and matter and in
terms of form makes no distinction between content and expression, a discursive
formation and a non-discursive formation. It is a machine that is almost blind
and mute, even though it makes others see and speak.[2]
Foucault is interested in a building rather as a
combination of lines of visibility that forms relations of power between the
individuals affected by those lines which act as boundaries I described before.
Another example by Foucault was described in the same book
"Discipline and punish"[1] that illustrates appearing of formality in
the cities. He is telling about the measures to be taken against the plague in
the seventeenth century: partitioning of space and closing off houses, constant
inspection and registration. Processes of quarantine and purification operate.
The plague is met by order. Lepers were also separated from society, but the
aim behind this was to create a pure community. The plague stands as an image
against which the idea of discipline was created. The existence of a whole set
of techniques and institutions for measuring and supervising abnormal beings
brings into play the disciplinary mechanisms created by the fear of the plague.
All modern mechanisms for controlling abnormal individuals as well as modern
urban planning approaches derive from these.
Let's
move gradually nowadays. There are a lot of vivid and good examples that are
representing the idea of cooperation between formal and informal. As the most
eloquent example I would like to take works of Chilean architect - Alejandro
Aravena. Especially regarding last news of his win of the Pritzker
prize I have just no right not to mention him in this topic.
Indeed,
Aravena felt the approach than nobody used before intentionally. Let's take in
consideration his social housing projects such as Quinta Monroy in Chile , Elemental Monterrey and Villa Verde
Housing in Mexico
When you create an open system, it customizes itself, it corrects itself, it's more adapted to the reality – not just to the family but also for cultural diversity. So it is not only a response to scarcity of means. Even if we had a lot of money it would have been an appropriate solution.
...
Of course this is not chaos, just do whatever. There are very specific design things – the size of the void for example, or that we built with walls and not just with frames. It's a very delicate balance between being restricted but enabling self-operation without going into a chaotic environment. It's a very precise design operation what you build, and also what you don't build[3].
Aravena has no fear not to control the final aesthetics. He is more interested in the position of the void than in what is built by him, observing the work of many future co-authors. I see something fresh in it. We have enough knowledge about how to profit prom informal processes. Up to date architect and not only architect should be beyond the static formal solutions. He should be the one who can and must use the power of informality to make all the aspects of our life more convenient and efficient.
Bibliography:
[1] Foucault Michel, Discipline and punish: the birth of the prison, trans:
Alan Sherida, New York
[2] Deleuze Gilles, Foucault, trans: Sean Hand, Minneapolis :
University of Minnesota Press
Web links:
Interview
with Alejandro Aravena
published
at www.dezeen.com 13. January 2016.
Monday, February 8, 2016
HOW TO REFORMALIZE AN INFORMAL CITY?
To begin with this question, how to Reformalize an informal
city – Let address some other questions in brief before jumping into this
question i.e.
· Are they (formal and informal) good or bad?
· Why is it necessary or not necessary to Reformalize an informal city?
· What is the reason of formal cities becoming informal?
· What distinguish formality and informality?
The unplanned and many times more
“organic” city is one of the more visible facets of informality in urban areas.
Are we talking about slums, suburban areas of illegal genesis, or long term in
situ urbanization processes, among other situations, these are urban
settlements marked by informality, which bring complex challenges to planning
practices. This organic city may be unplanned at its origins, but it works and
it has its complex social and economic dynamics. And in a certain extent this
is a utopian city, which expresses the multiplicity and diversity of individual
utopias of each family who brought their dreams to life in those houses. And
this requires an essential preoccupation when dealing with these areas and
planning their “formalization”: we are intervening for people,
and then we have to intervene with the people. Effective
participation and real involvement of population in these
processes is thus fundamental. The right to the city makes the
city of the possible.
Informality was essential in the
development and structuring of many urban areas, despite the extension of
planning practices and of modernist approaches to cities’ development. In
effect, throughout the world, informality coexisted with urban expansion and it
was an essential piece in urban growth mechanisms. In contemporary
post-modernist cities it still plays a key role in mechanisms of economic and
social vitality and brings new challenges to the development of cities. What
sense does it make today to plan the informality of cities? What should we do
with the informal settlements that are part of our contemporary cities? Should
we incorporate them in a city’s mainstream narrative, or should we enhance
their particularities? And, how can we deal with the informal dynamics that are
essential to structure economic and social (re-)vitalization of many areas?
Should we formalize and institutionalize them? Or on the contrary should we “informalize” the
planning of urban spaces?
United Nations has estimated that
in 2050 in every 4 person 1 person on planet will live in informal way in
developed cities. And currently in many develop cities 60% develop their own
facilities and other services in informal structure and living illegally but at
the same time being tolerated and yet being ignored. In private sector side,
people live where they work which is very efficient although a lot live in
informal area and work nearby better off areas. Therefore, besides every
prosperous area you will see an informal area.
The formal or informal models can
be explained as, informal models do not respect rigorous formalism. They are
often free images, media for ideas, or spontaneous means if communication.
There are various degrees of informality. An interesting comparison between
Brasilia and Caracas can be made, although these two cities appear to be in
complete contrast took into account the existing culture of the characteristics
of the locale, whilst Brasilia was founded on the basis that its location had
no culture as the site was empty. However both cities have experienced similar
patterns of urban and architectural resistance.
The incremental and uncontrolled
urban development during the past decades have made the issue of widespread
informality a dominating phenomenon in the territory according to each
socio-spatial context. A complex informality that is attributed to many causes
and covering physical, socioeconomic, behavioral and legal aspects that is
beyond the presence of formal/informal dichotomy in the urban space, is more a
new complex and continuum system in place. Because of this situation,
governmental institutions suffer from serious urban planning deficits.
Moreover, complexities in political decisions and standardized policies
continue to elude the majority of informal settlements that are often viewed as
a marginalized and stigmatized areas in the urban space. However, many attempts
of "formalizing informality" have been applied by policy makers and
professionals which vary across and within countries. Also, researchers discuss
possible actions to deal with informal settlements, such Hernando De Soto (2000)
focused on principles of capitalism perspective, stimulating economic activity
through productive workforce of individuals.
It is interesting to see if
formalization attempts contribute to improve or worse the living conditions of
individuals in particular cities or can cause the establishment of additional
informal settlements. Under this perspective, this study aims to highlight the
process of formalization of informal settlements through the analysis of
different formalization approaches in many exploratory case studies located in
Europe (Mediterranean countries), Africa and Latin America regions to deduce
the impact of governmental actions in informal areas characterized by different
informal typologies and degrees of consolidation. Therefore, the intention is to
focus on the performance on those institutions (the state, municipalities,
local authorities) responsible for the land use regulations and urban planning
in the treatment of the hypertrophic growth of the phenomenon of informality.
This attempt of "formalizing informality" lies a series of challenges
in the urban planning domain. It is particular significant because still
remains as an immediate policy option and a persistent tendency of a clear
post-intervention. The intention is to define what are the successes and
weaknesses from this attempt and the policies 249 Journal of Studies in Social
Sciences have been adopted or implemented in dealing with the informal
practices. This study aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of the
phenomenon of informality at the turn of the third millennium, and to look in
depth the influence of the institutions in the development and consolidation of
the informal settlements and to seek what are the lessons and implications of
the process of formalization. In this respect, we want to highlight and
question the importance of formalization of informal areas as a provocative
theme for the urban planning domain, which can translate into virtual practices
and experiences of public, and governmental actions, especially if formalization
efforts still remain a work in progress.
Within this context, the first
part of makes a theoretical framework referring to informality as a broader
concept that involves some anthropological, social, cultural and economic
aspects; which is strictly related to land use. We also highlight some informal
typologies in relation with the land use, new emerging trends, the causes of
informality, formalization concept and some standard government solutions. In
the case of European regions, especially cities of Milan, Puglia, Macedonia, etc.
show informal practices characterized by a type of "hybrid"
informality. These reviews show that formalization policies combines practices
of eviction, demolition and amnesty through payment policies. In African
regions, especially the cities of Johannesburg and Cairo which are
characterized by practices of "semi-informal" typology. These reviews
show that formalization approaches are more focused on upgrading services,
facilities and infrastructure, and urban redevelopment. Finally case studies in
Latin American regions, cities such Rio de Janeiro, Bogota and Lima show
practices of informal "squatting" typology. Formalization approaches
have a broader attempt and integrated dynamic that combines legal titling with
other formalization policies, except in the case of Lima city in Peru, as the
most experimented case that involves the narrow legalization of land tenure
through titling. The last part is dedicated to looking at the future, having
new perspectives and responses in the formalization domain.
It is important to notice that
the idea of informality has drawn critical attention from many disciplines.
There have also attempts to define the concept in new ways related to
contemporary global, regional, and local political and cultural transformations
of the last two decades. When thinking about informality, the first image that
comes is one of "slums" occupied by squatters. Several forms of
informality do not, however, involve land invasion. While Roy and AlSayyad
(2004) among others link informality to processes of globalization and economic
liberalization. Appadurai (2000) and other authors studied developing countries
that offer deep insights on informal housing as an aspect of a different mode
of urbanization.
Why
informality emerges?
The causes of the phenomenon of
informality that is directly connected with urban planning disciplines and
issues such as cultural, economic and environmental speculations:
i) A globalized and liberal
economy makes individuals freer, but according to empirical experiences in
Latin America (Gilbert, 1998) does not necessarily improve the conditions of
low-income families. Economic instability of liberalization produces moments of
high levels of unemployment and what worsens their situation is when sometimes
the informal sector is unable to cover them, which contributes to increase the
number of middle and low-income families and informal practices in the
developing countries.
ii) Ambiguous and uncertain modes
of governance affected the continuity of the policies and increased the
permissiveness of authorities to allow illegal practices that avoid laws and
regulations. The lack of rigidity produced ambiguous scenarios related to the
rapid growth of informal areas. This phenomenon is specially emerged in periods
of political election times or economic changes because of the level of
"uncertainty" in the society. In addition, excessive bureaucracy and
inefficiency in the governmental administration reduced the expectations to be
confident due to formal channels. Consequently, informality is the rapid
respond to full-fill their expectations and reduced uncertain conditions (Roy
and AlSayyad, 2004).
iii) Dysfunctional governmental
institutions lack of structural ability of public administration, especially at
the local level, to provide and guarantee sufficient access to affordable and
accessible infrastructural service to housing units or lands in many areas of
the territory located especially in hazardous areas (Fernandez, 2011). In
addition, shortage of affordable housing is affected by the way governmental
institutions have managed the supply side of housing. Public institutions in
many countries had not made efforts to promote innovative financing
alternatives, such as housing microloan programs and noncommercial bank
programs. However other countries have started taking this practices in order to
regulate land markets that is linked directly with the causes of informal
settlements (Duncan, 2005). Also, governmental weakness related to political
clientelism; the longstanding political manipulation in informal communities
that have been encouraged more informal development. Such questionable titles
in public land have been often promised by politicians to low-income families.
Shift to
Formalization
Formalization is the process by
which acts, situations, persons, and entities that are not recognized by law or
formal channels, obtain such recognition. This may happen through individuals
taking needed steps to achieve the formal state recognition (titling,
upgrading, urban redevelopment, etc), or by the state moving to confer such
recognition on its own initiative. Informal areas are a reality that many
developed and developing countries have to deal with, because it involves a big
portion of the urban population worldwide, especially in developing countries.
Most of the informal settlements have been avoided by the government for a long
time. In the last 20 years, residents of many consolidated informal areas have
been compensated the insufficiency of basic (public) services and the lack of
public infrastructure. A wide range of humanitarian, ethical, religious,
sociopolitical, economic, and environmental arguments can justify
formalization. Most of the arguments are based on the socio-political and
legalistic domain. Experiences of formalization in Colombia, Peru and Brazil,
have already become a fundamental element of the constitutional social right to
adequate housing. For example, the 1988 Brazilian Federal Constitution,
recognized that those who had lived in informal areas for at least five years
had rights to the regularization of the informal occupation. However, few
policy makers, and specially the state fully understand the nature and dynamics
of informal development processes, often reinforce urban informality and socio
spatial segregation, and deterioration of the territory (Fernandes, 2011).
Legal
recognition
The most important policy
response to informal settlements has been to recognize or legalize informal
land development, specially related to the practice of squatting; through
juridical-administrative tools (indemnity, regularization procedures for
titling) or through public policy (amnesty). This response is the clearest
example of state's necessity to know and recognize what really happens or what
should be under their territory.
Urban
redevelopment
It is common for public
authorities and especially for the government to use forms of repression
(mostly applied through monetary ways than compulsory sanctions) as a policy
response to informal practice. In relation with compulsory sanctions through
demolitions (redevelopment or relocations), the government tries to recover
informal areas (due to the lack of legal requirements) or intended to
discourage and limit the development of unauthorized construction. In the case
of on-site redevelopment through gradual demolition and in-situ construction of
alternative housing, the government policy's response try to guarantee the
security of consolidated informal areas on staying in the same location of the
city in order to access to better living conditions (Fernandez, 2011). This
interventions mostly target deteriorated informal areas were housing conditions
are unsafe and closed to vulnerable urban areas. In many developed and
developing countries this mode is adopted to hazardous squatting informal
settlements, under the justification of environmental and public health and the
need for public spaces (Abdel Halim, 2010).
A closer view to some relevant case studies
The selection of exploratory case
studies has been based on well and experimented examples of formalization with
respect to legal recognition, urban upgrading, redevelopment and planning
reviewing and because they were sociologically, morphologically and
typologically fit with the topics of the study, especially because they show
different typologies of informality. In addition, the availability of
information on desktop research and the institutional support from many
hierarchical actors involved in the formalization domain. From an operative
point of view, it is contrasted between different geographic areas. It is
fundamental to indicate that the most important note of this research involves
the examination of the paradigms for formalization programs that have been used
with mixed results to improve conditions of informal settlements in three
different exploratory areas. First, located in the European area (Mediterranean
regions mostly), concern to practices of hybrid informality, such as informal
"second homes", "shadow occupations in public buildings",
"illegal constructions", etc. Formalization efforts have been made
through demolitions and amnesty practices. Second, located in African area,
cases of South Africa and Egypt with semi-informality typology, such as
"informal subdivision on agricultural land". The operations used by
the authorities are mainly related to urban upgrading in-situ. Finally, located
in Latin America area, exemplified by Peru, Brazil and Colombia, that
formalization efforts involve legal titling with urban upgrading in-situ, socio
economic and socio cultural programs at large scale in informal areas.
Looking at the future
Efforts to formalize informal
areas are still in the agenda of policy makers and substantially a core of
urban planning measures in many large cities of the world. For this reason,
after considering the notion of informality and it is process of transformation
to formality channels, combined with exploration, it is important to indicate
some detailed observations on the similarities and differences in formalization
attempts. These observations can make us formulating new codes and
considerations to improve the efforts in tackling the phenomenon of
informality.
Urban planning solutions for informal cities
While research indicates there is
a growing acceptance of informal cities in the region, their economic and
social challenges have largely been underestimated. In economic terms, informal
settlements mobilize significant public and private investments, which remain
outside of the formal economy. In addition, they are associated with
significant public-sector costs, explicit and implicit. These settlements often
take over public or private land, shifting the cost burden for compensation and
services to local governments. The land, often developed in a sporadic way with
single-family housing, is underused due to its sprawling pattern. Informal
settlements also impact the local government’s ability to manage land use, as
the owners illegally occupy parks, unsafe brownfield sites, or land that may
have other more productive uses. At the same time, informal housing might be
the residents’ single largest asset, composed of their sweat equity and
remittances from family members. The investment is under threat of being lost
and becoming “dead capital,” particularly due to environmental hazards (e.g.,
floods, landslides, earthquakes) or demolition. Informal settlements also pose
a high political and economic risk for governments, especially in cases of
evictions and resettlement of socially vulnerable residents. Often, the
inability to absorb these costs perpetuates tolerance of the informal cities.
The search for policy solutions ranges from legalization and inclusion in
formal urban plans to regularization and provision of essential social services
(schools, medical clinics) and technical infrastructure (safe roads, public
transit, water, sewer), as well as resettlement/relocation programs. While
these solutions illustrate different aspects of the urban planning continuum
discussed earlier, they also require significant political will and financial
commitment from local governments.
Little significance in the
economic aspects: formalization programs improve land-market efficiency and
labor market participation, but generally fail to find an impact on access to
credit, especially for titling policies. However, this does not mean that there
are few economic benefits; inhabitants indicate that it has a great use but in
a different way than the theory assumes. It has helped in the fast
consolidation of their homes and therefore increase the value of the properties
in a significant way (20% to 30%). On the other hand, economic resources from
formalization operations have not been properly used in a sustainable and
financial support from international agencies have been suspiciously
(corruption) spent; especially because there has not been a rigorous evaluation
or control.
I think that the governments
really need to see the need to use their skill to try to make improvements to
the country. I believe there is a real demonization, that informal areas, most
likely people say all that they are criminal that live in informal areas of the
cities. There is a kind of fear of poor people which is extremely unfortunate,
but I would lie to see the government to accept that it is going to be the
important part of the cities for the foreseeable future and not ignore them or marginalize
them and see them as vibrant, very active and hopeful and normalizing the
relationship between the informal areas and the rest of the cities or formal
areas.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Abdelhalim, K. (2010), Upgrading of informal areas. Guide
for Action. Participatory Development Program in Urban Areas, Egyptian-German
development project.
AlSayyad, N. and Roy, A. (eds.) (2004), Urban Informality.
Transnational Perspective from the Middle East, Latin America, and South Asia,
Oxford: Lexington Books.
Appadurai, A. (2000), Spectral Housing and Urban Cleansing:
Notes on Millennial Mumbai, Public Culture.
Bayat, A. (2003), Globalization and Politics of the Informal’s
in the Global South. Oxford: Lexington Books.
Durand-Lasserve, A. (2007), The formalization of urban land
tenure in developing countries. Global Urban Development Magazine 2.
New Urban Agenda (UN 2016) priorities (urban forum)
Ted ( City 2.0 )
USAID (2010), Colombia Country Profile, Property Rights and
Resource Governance. United States Agency for International Development eds.
UN-HABITAT (2003a). The challenge of slums: Global report on
human settlements. Nairobi: United Nations Human Settlements Programme
(UN-HABITAT).
UN-Habitat (2007).Situation Analysis of Informal Settlements
in Addis Ababa.Nairobi: United Nations Human Settlements Programme.
UN-Habitat (I am a city changer)
INTERNET WEB SITES SOURCES
Urban LandMark Organization (http://www.urbanlandmark.org.za)
Formalizing informal Settlements (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iG_QlUmIkNU)
Planning the informal city today (http://homeland.pt/planning-the-informal-city-today)
Friday, February 5, 2016
How the symbiosis between formal and informal in urban context play out in Indonesia?
Introduction
Informal and formal forms in urban situation such two sides of a coin, contradictory
but interconnected. The formal city is the static built
modernist understanding of the city, stemming from the Chicago School of Urban
Sociology with a clear notion for the urban center. In other words the
permanent structures /architecture of the city. And informal city can be
defined as the temporal "articulation and occupation of space." The
city is an urban elastic condition, not a grand vision but a "grand
adjustment.
The informal-formal relation is presented as an organisational form.
Formal is generally assumed to be rule-based, structured, explicit,
predictable, and regular, while informal is generally assumed to be defined by
the absence of these forms. Informality is often thought as spontaneous, tacit,
and affective. The central organisational form is that of unorganised,
unregulated labour, although in practice such labour is often highly organised
and disciplined. (Introduction The Informal-formal Divide in Context
Colin McFarlane and Michael Waibel).
In some cases, the entwining of the informal and
the formal is understood and seen as a problem, the inter-reliant relationships
between formal and informal may be “mutually enhancing at best and mutually
corrupting at worst”.
Uwe Altrock in his chapter within this volume
highlights the importance of informality which is ‘complementary’ to formal
arrangements (Young 1999).
Both of these forms has the infirmity and eminence. In
the "A New Paradigm for Urban Development" by AL Mabogunje he states
that the line between the informal and formal sectors and contains the greatest
potentials for new urbanisms. The presence of both form can be mutually benefit
each other or vice versa. Or on one side receive benefit and the other side
losses, or no loss at all (no impact) and there many other types of interaction
in between. Harmony and conflict between formal and formal forms are interesting
to study and review. In this essay will be explored how the symbiosis occurs
between the informal and formal forms through relationships which are commonly
used in biological terms. The study will be categorized into three forms of
symbiosis namely mutualism, paratism and comensalism. To understand how the
formal and informal relationships in the urban context, when and where the convergence
occurs then several cases that occurred in Indonesia will be taken as study
samples.
As developing country, Indonesia deals with phenomenon
of informal settlement which can be found in all cities in Indonesia. The term
of informal settlement in Indonesia commonly refers to an unplanned area which emerges
spontaneously and organically, on inappropriate or marginal land, such as river
bank, sides of railway, and soon. Indonesia is a showcase of any kind of
informality we can think of: slums, street vendors and varied informal economic
activities everyway, rich zones very beautiful but built according the same
principles of a slum, the new vertical slums inside occupied buildings,
non-regulated buildings in formal areas, or new slums which is protected and
encouraged by the governments. Interesting to study how the presence of these two
forms, formal and informal interact each other on the cities in Indonesia and
what kind of phenomena occurs as results from this process.
Mutualism Symbiosis
In this context, symbiosis
mutualism can occurs when both forms, formal and informal get benefit each
other from the interaction. Here are two examples of relationship between informal and formal sectors and how they benefit each
other.
In general,
for some peoples mainly the policy maker, slum area where is becoming the
settlement for most of informal sector executant is considered as problems
particularly from its appearance. Rundown houses always become scapegoat for
dingy cityface and failure of development, something that is prohibited for
most leaders. Whereas, if we look deeply, actually this rundown houses are
giving life answer to the people who living in. Without donation from
government, these people can survive, built their own dwellings and developed
their livelihood. They don’t need bank credit or foreign exchange. They are
able to exploit the limited resources in order to survive in the difficulty of
living in modern city. The people who live in informal dwelling commonly most
of them are able to recycle materials that unused into something useful for themselves.
Independently, they are able to meet their housing needs. Economically, this
settlement also supply cheap goods and labor with low wages to support economic
movement. Slum settlement obviously has potential that can be developed and
giving good contribution to housing problem and urban economy.
Another example,
government of Indonesia currently is implementing a program to overcome poverty
in community. This program is namely PNPM perkotaan, national program of
community empowerment. The program focus on how to empower the community in
certain area which is needed development and improvement, including
infrastructure sector. The interesting thing is how the formal program from
government are done in informal way as a method of approach. Here, in this
perspective we can see that to approach the level of a particular environtment,
the government who is always connoted as formal have to play the informal
sector in order to be able to negotiate and overcome the problem. For instance,
the infrastructure enhancement such as road, building, and sanitation in an
informal settlement, the government with limited budget employes the local
workers who don’t have labor certification and without technical work standard.
One one side the government has been assisted to implement the formal program
through informal way, on the other hand, it is upgrading the empowerment both
working skill, income and the
infrastructure needs that have been built right on target because it was
initiated and built by local community.
Parasitism
Symbiosis
This kind of relationship happen when the activities of one form both
formal or informal interfere and cause losses to other form.
Informal cause damage to formal .
There are a lot of goods provider in informal sector
which is done by opening the stall or vendor or selling with the cart along the
road, this situation creates chaos on the city spaces. It also causes traffic
jam. Again, this situation causes great improvidence, in term of energy and
time. This chaos not only cause traffic but also horrible outlook and
environtmental damage from disposal.
In Indonesia we can easily find views where the
vendors filled up road space and sidewalk for pedestrian, it is happening in urban
also in the rural situation though. This has become a problem for Indonesian
government which has never ending. The street vendors are part of informal
sector activities also many times interfere the pedestrians, the vendors
blocked the path that should be used by them. More than that, the presence of
informal sector bring impact to some problems such city health isues,
environtment and social – political issues.
According to Soemadi (1993), the vendor phenomenon
related to frontierisme phenomenon, a perspective about supposition that there
are available "empty space" in front of than can be occupied and
mastered. Sidewalks have been become those "empty space". Various
interest which happened on the sidewalk cause contested space. These
interaction bring out negotiations and strategies for certain people to state
their interest on those side walks. This kind interaction and negotiation then
built the image and identity of the sidewalk.
The
application of the concept of urban informality in understanding the phenomenon
of street vendors will change our perspective on the existence of street
vendors in urban areas. The street vendors are not the groups failed to enter
the economic system in urban areas. They are one of the modes in the urban
transformation that cannot be separated from the urban economy. They are one
component of the urban economy that will benefit urban development.
The
phenomenon of street vendors in Indonesian cities should be interpreted in the
context of urban transformation. The application of the concept of urban
informality in the practice of urban planning will allocate more urban spaces
for the street vendors and integrate it with the formal sectors. The practice of
urban planning in Indonesia also should not replicate the Chicago and Los
Angeles schools, but modify them and take into account the unique urban
phenomenon including the informal sector. The informal sectors, including
street vendors, deserve more urban spaces to accommodate their activities that
are parts of the urban economic system.
(Do street vendor deserve urban
space, Jakarta post, 2008).
Formal cause damage to informal
In its original rural version, the word kampung literally means
“village” – usually the home village or birthplace of an individual. In an era
of unbridled urbanisation, however, it has also come to mean a poorer
neighbourhood contained within a city. Kampung is not synonymous with “slum”.
Most kampungs actually contain a mix of lower and lower middle class - even
some middle class families - living in mostly permanent dwellings. Squatters
are relatively few. Most kampung residents actually have some sort of legal
title over their land – though they are not always able to prove it to the
satisfaction of Indonesia’s corrupt court systems. True to its linguistic
roots, many kampungs are, in fact, the remnants of original villages – it is
the city that has expanded and encroached upon the areas surrounding the
kampungs, not vice versa. (Jakarta, Indonesia, Paul
McCarthy).
The informal or kinetic city carries local wisdom into
the contemporary world without fear of the modern, while the static city
aspires to erase the local and re-codify it in a written formal order.( Re-thinking the informal city).
Within the Kampung scope, the citizen
autonomously organize their own social relations, cultural economy, even political,
all of it is manifested in the spatial arrangement and space hierarchy from private,
semiprivate, semipublic to public space.
Jakarta, capital city of Indonesia
has social dan spatial structure which is dual character as a result of urban
development by the intensity of formal and informal which is growing
simultaneously. This condition makes the face of the city implied physical
progress and metropolitan inequality at once. The existency of Kampung as an
informal form in urban situation suffered of positive values shifted because of formalization. City Kampung
constituted of space articulation from global activities of Jakarta and it
accommodates various interest both regional and international in physical and
social forms.
City Kampung is shaped from settlement
of indigenous people and immigrant, and then it grows along with area
development. From the cultural aspect, city Kampung has potential of social
activities, religious and historic sites. The alteration which occurred causing
the displacement of space function, deterioration of social activities and its
cultural community. The strength of society is temporary and does not have
significant reciprocal impact for prosperity of its society. This condition
remind us that City Kampung formalization have to be based on socio-cultural
and community local wisdom. Space identity is the treasure of social wealth in
order to strengthen the community existency in socio-cultural environtment
alteration process.
Commensalism Symbiosis
Commensalism symbiosis occurs when
one of the form both formal or informal get benefit, but the other form does
not get imposition or significant impact. This kind of relationship explained
that there are possibilities one form are able to give advantages to another
form without experienced loss.
The
scarcity of the street potential as space for urban communities to interact
each other eventually led the city became rigid and insipid. Such as robot, the
city is technically functioned but soulless. According to sociologist Jane
Jacobs, the livable cities where the values of urbanity well developed, the
main social space interaction of the community precisely often taking place in
city street corridor. On these street
the citizen are walking and doing activities such as buying morning newspaper
and milk, observing the displayed store.
Starting
from the hubbub of Las Ramblas street corridor in Barcelona, the exoticism of
Malioboro street in Yogyakarta, Indonesia to the excitement of street market in
San Francisco. All of it becomes reflection of city face which more humane and
livable. And not even rarely the linear street spaces often became one of the landmarks of city
pride, such as the Champs Elysees in Paris, or orchard road in Singapore (Seize
the lost space, Ridwan Kamil).
Nowadays, our city surrounded by
soulless spaces or placelessness. An urbanist Roger Trancik who wrote finding
lost space stated about the booming of redundant and negative spaces which he
categorized as lost space and space junk still happen currently in our big
cities.
For
commensalism relationship, the situation can be explained through the
interaction of formal activities at noon and informal activities in the evening
in Salatiga central market, Indonesia. This district commercial market at this
time is a main service of daily necessities outreach in urban and regional
scale in surrounding city.
At the beginning this location was traditional
market but along with modernization process, the surrounding areas are expanded
to be trade district and modern market. The space run into different function,
it can be seen from different and various activities which happen in this spaces
in different times. In the morning this spaces are used as morning market (formal)
and when the evening comings, it becomes a place where filled by vendors to
sell food. Thus this areas are having the use of function space for 24 hours in
giving services to the community. Market activities that happen in the evening,
mostly used for informal sector activities on public spaces such as infront of
shops or on the street. The location which is used for those informal
activities, at noon this area is used for trade activities in formal situation.
Based on this series of process, the analysis of the relationship between
formal and informal activities that happen in Salatiga market is accommodating.
This accommodating form is an interaction which indicate that formal sector
does not get benefit and doesn’t experienced damage from informal evening
activities. And this case could be one of the solution for the lost space
issues that has stated by Roger Trancik.
Another phenomenon which is commonly happen
in Indonesia that reflect commensalism symbiosis is car free day activities. According to Hannah Arendt (1998), city is not only just a architectural objects, but 'space' that allows public
civility.
Dago street is a landmark structure which
formed bandung city. It is not just functioned as space corridor as civic
design but also as civic reform which combinated alteration of social
structure, economy, culture and also society political. Car Free Day viewed
entirely as a physic artificial phenomena where its spatial expression is
physical but the framing caused by human activities so that composit cultural
are formed. Car Free Day is a place-making that are constructed into a public
space based on value, activity and specific arrangements to become a unique
spatial ecosystem as a public space. Car Free Day Dago as the third space
contributes a multiculturism space which progressive, responsive, and
democratic because its urban composite activities. The stakeholders works based
on power, legitimation, and urgency which constructed production-consumption
process of Car Free Day Dago as public space that transformed into the third
space.
Car
Free Day alters the street (formal) into open public space and appear as new
social space comtemporary in shaping the culture of society and creating new identity in communicate it self
as landmark for Bandung city. The space transformed from the space of place
become space of flow and space of culture in car free day, Dago street through overlapping
space uses. Car Free Day is an urban issue that was adapted as a global issue,
but in practice, it is depend on its local identity in which Car Free Day took
place, including in the city of Bandung. It is usually held on Sunday morning
where the density of transport activity is decrease, thus allowing a wide range
of social activities going on this street.
Conclusion
The development
of urban space influenced the existence of formal and informal sector, at a
certain time point often experience problems as a result of the need for space
to accommodate activities. While
the increase in the informal sector by Keith Hart (in Soetomo, 1997: 19-28), is
said to be always grew up with formal activities and this sector is increasing,
because the informal sector is regarded as a manifestation of the growth of employment
situation in developing countries so that they enter the large-scale activities
small town.
Actually, formal and informal areas are nowadays so interconnected people should start to
believe stop caring about its limits or its differences. Now legal or illegal, formal or informal, do not
depend on the conditions of the land or the configuration of the settlement but
on which entity is building.
Peter Daniels (2004) highlights the ‘interconnectedness’ of the informal
and formal sectors in cities as key assets in the field of urban policy
development. Descriptions of ‘hybrid arrangements’ of formal and informal, or a
‘formality-informality continuum’ indicate a desire, amongst some scholars at
least, to move beyond earlier categorisations, which often construct a tighter
dichotomy (Roy and AlSayyad, 2004).
Altrock puts the
complementary notion of informality in contrast to a ‘supplementary’ notion of
informality. Here, informal institutions can replace or stand-in for formal
ones in contexts where the state is unable or unwilling to implement its formal
rules. In this sense, informality contributes to formal institutions by
organising social interaction in the absence of the state, for example, during
periods of rapidly changing socio-economic contexts, rapid urban development,
and economic restructuring strategies (Schröder and Waibel, 2012).
On the other hand, people
living in formal areas are as entitled as their informal neighbors to be
consulted and informed. Traditionally architects consult very little, but as
more and more of us have the opportunity of work in informal areas, it’s
becoming easier to transfer some of the techniques we use there to other parts
of the city. Maybe with similar strategies and attitudes we will end with a
more integrated and inclusive city. (Formal vs Informal Does it mean anything?,
Silvis Soonets, 2012)
Summarized and written by Chyntia
Aryani. Matrikel – Nr. (4060991)
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